Representation and identity
In dissecting earlier years in the existence of Tristan Cooke, things emerge as a puff adder would when one treads too close on a path. An experience of life was not the dream promised on movie screens, yet I lived comfortably in a failing society. Life in Zimbabwe lay beyond the scope of democracy, a state that brutally undertook to restrict the rights of its citizens. The normalisation of suffering, the acceptance of corruption, the divide between black and white communities and the boarding school bubble fixed a narrow ‘conservation of self’ perspective. I emerged from this as a product of my surroundings. What consistently goes on around a person is normalised. Whether it be good or bad, it no longer becomes shocking every moment you experience it again.
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The creative output highlights aspects key to identity formation in my life. I have not used words in the production. The piece is highly controversial, and expressing it with more intention may constitute breaches in Zimbabwe’s limited scope of free speech. Firstly, behind bars is Hopewell Chin’ono, who is an internationally accredited Zimbabwean journalist. Chin’ono was arrested in 2020 for inciting violence against the ZANU-PF government; he promoted a prayer gathering titled ‘Save Zimbabwe’. I will refer to this national identity aspect under the broad term freedom of expression, where Zimbabweans continue to challenge politics despite state violence. Secondly, the Zimbabwean (informs the first aspect of my identity) and South African flags are displayed in my eyes. Two years at St Andrews College and four and a half at UCKAR have been more important for identity formation than the sixteen years that preceded. This is because my unique sense of identity is continually questioned and discussed by myself and others in a society that promotes freedom of expression. Assuming the role of an outsider (who holds positions of power) opened my perspective to the unique struggles faced by every person; in this aspect of identity is belonging and power (Collins, 2014:14).
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Hall (1997:3) discusses the concept of the glass in representation. The term glass is a product of language, and it represents an item that holds liquid. This concept is easy to relate to and understand as an English speaker who uses glasses frequently. However, when discussing more abstract terms such as the concept of freedom in Zimbabwe, many issues arise. Zimbabwe has sixteen official languages, and considering this, a vast scope of culture. Collective identity has not been a product of Rhodesia or Zimbabwe as elite interests drive separatism between communities to consolidate power. Consider that “communication as a ‘social practice’ enables dialogue, negotiation, argument and discussion, learning and remembering” (Wodak, 2011:216). Cultures who were negatively affected (ostracised) by colonial rule in Rhodesia considered freedom a transcendence of white minority rule. This ‘transcendence’ has been underpinned by authoritarianism focused on consolidating power among the political elite. A divided society has been unable to unite under a collective plan to hold power to account. Furthermore, any attempts have been met with state violence.
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Brooks (2006:297) states that race is a social construct as its acceptance as a biological indicator is not based on science or genetics. It is through culture that race is fixed. Culture is defined “as a process through which people circulate and struggle over the meanings of our social experiences, social relations, and therefore, our selves” (Brooks, 2006:297). The state has captured the media in Zimbabwe, assuming ‘power over discourse’ by restricting the public’s access to information (Wodak, 2011:217). A racialised, imperialist Rhodesian history, succeeded by an elite-driven, power-hungry, racial counter-culture, has ensured that Zimbabwean black and white culture remains predominantly separatist. With race entrenched in history, institutions continue to define and organise identities on this basis (Buckingham, 2008:6). It is in the interests of ‘the powerful’ to keep this divide to consolidate power; thus, the colonial legacy is not transcended.
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Violence and state repression towards journalists is covered in Human Rights Watch (2007:30-31). Police assaulted Tsvangirai Mukhwazi, Gift Phiri was arrested and tortured, and Edward Chikomba abducted and murdered (Human Rights Watch, 2007:31). Three cases fixed in academic texts fail to show the depth of violence shown toward journalism as a practice in Zimbabwe. Chin’ono openly criticises ZANU-PF and carries out journalistic practice in the country. He is currently involved in a campaign encouraging every Zimbabwean to vote in the 2023 election. A person who will not be silenced, Chin’ono contests democracy and encourages other Zimbabweans to do the same. I had never spoken on these issues; as a white male in society, I accept a historical power dynamic that informs my standpoint in the country. When Zimbabweans starved, experienced police brutality and were not afforded their rights, I did not contest. I assumed it was not my place to challenge, that I did not have the authority and only served to fix the established boundaries between communities.
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Buckingham (2008:1) states that identity can be individual or collective. I cannot be my ‘true self’ in Zimbabwe; for this to be a possibility, the government must be held to account and rights afforded to Zimbabweans. I withhold the idea of unique identity in journalistic expression and focus on a collective, national identity (Buckingham, 2008:1). Citizenship is not dictated by race, gender or class; Zimbabwean can be a collaborative source of pride if citizens of all creeds aim to renegotiate the meaning of community in the country. Zimbabwean society must continually engage in ‘life-or-death’ struggles, and this is the most important, contested aspect of collective identity that we face (Buckingham, 2008:1-2). In this complex range of issues, white society needs to accept that the problems faced are a product of colonial rule upheld by powerful elites. In this context, I find scope to connect with the Zimbabwean community and work toward an inclusive democracy through journalistic practice.